BOMBING IRAN COULD TRIGGER A BUBBLE POP
by James I. Wiedemer
After articles by Seymour Hersh last year, and a variety of other revelations, it seems clear that the U.S. is seriously considering bombing Iran’s nuclear installations. President Bush has refused to drop it as an option. Although there has been much debate about the wisdom of such attacks from the standpoint of effectiveness, such as whether they can really stop Iran’s nuclear program, or just delay it, and whether or not the Middle East’s public reaction will be apoplectic or merely disgruntled, there is a neglected issue: economics. It seems clear the U.S. is already headed for a “bubble pop” in the future, perhaps in as little as three years, under normal circumstances. But, an Iran bombing campaign may change all of that, radically. Iran has made it clear that if the U.S. bombs its nuclear installations, it may retaliate by attacking Persian Gulf oil supplies. Such attacks, particularly if they become effective in any way, could very well help precipitate a “bubble pop” with dramatic economic effects.
Any attack on Iran is likely to be used by speculators as an excuse to send oil prices sky high even though absolutely no damage is done to oil supplies, yet. Further, Iran itself, a significant oil producer, may be “off line” for anything but shipments through its northern frontier to Russia, which will put upward pressure on prices. OPEC may counter by increasing output, but if this is done by nations bordering the Persian Gulf, it is likely to be viewed as a hostile act by Iran.
Iran has several ways to inhibit the flow of oil: (1) attack shipments directly, either in the open Persian Gulf or at the narrow and vulnerable straits of Hormuz; (2) terrorist attacks on installations in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates; and (3) demanding that Muslims everywhere pull together and fight U.S. bombing by means of the “oil weapon.” The “oil weapon” was used by Saudi Arabia in 1973 as part of the Yom Kippur War (or Ramadan war from the Arab side). It generated sharp oil prices increases and gasoline lines in the U.S. Not only Arabs, but Muslims in North Africa and Indonesia may find this approach appealing.
The U.S., of course, has powerful military forces that will move to protect oil shipments. The U.S. Navy has worked particularly hard on anti-mine capabilities in recent years, perhaps with a Persian Gulf contingency in mind. U.S. airpower can probably knock down Iran’s Air Force. It can sink Iran’s regular Navy. Precision guided munitions may knock out Iranian anti-ship missiles or artillery in the areas next to the Straits of Hormuz. Watchfulness may be able to deal with speedboat attacks or the sea going equivalent of IED’s. Convoying however, could be a necessity, with suitable U.S. escorts. U.S. government ship insurance will be needed. U.S. Navy or Merchant Marine crews may be needed to actually man the tankers if foreigners refuse to steam in a war zone. One only hopes that if the U.S. bombs, it has the plans and the manpower and equipment in place to deal with the consequences.
Sabotage strikes aimed at the Persian Gulf installations are also very possible. It may not be politically feasible in Saudi Arabia to have thousands of U.S. Navy Seals, Marines, and Army personnel patrolling the docks and harbor waters at Ras al Tanura or other critical oil shipping sites. If Saudi security has to be depended on, there is the sad fact that even if they are competent enough to deal with Iranian commandos, there may be Saudi sympathizers who hate what the U.S. is doing to the point where it is almost impossible for the Saudis to provide security. That, of course, assumes they agree with shipping oil to the U.S.
All of these disruptive activities could lead to tremendous price increases for oil which will have very adverse effects on the world economy. There will be no support for bombing Iran in the European Union. The Russians are strongly opposed to it. The Japanese won’t like it.
Unfortunately, these countries send massive amounts of investment to the U.S. If they don’t like the U.S., or see any hint of economic down turn due to high oil prices, they may send less money to the U.S. Arabs and Muslims may decide to get out of dollars and into Euros, not only for sound economic and business reasons, which they are already beginning to do, but for political reasons as well. Arab and Muslim friends of the U.S., Mubarak in Egypt, Musharreff in Pakistan, the King of Jordan, and the petro-Monarchs will be under huge political pressure caused by U.S. bombing, thus magnifying anti-U.S. sentiment world wide. This may cause further investment diversions or withdrawals of investment dollars. All these issues combined could cause a dollar crash.
How likely is the U.S. to attack? Surely a bit less so with the election of so many Democrats in November 2006. However, President Bush may decide he must act on his view of what is needed for U.S. security, regardless of whether a Democratic Congress agrees with him or not. President Bush may also choose to dispense with the sort of extensive diplomacy he engaged in prior to attacking Iraq. Colin Powell is no longer there. He may feel it won’t get anywhere and he’s just going to do what he feels is necessary for U.S. security, including a pre-emptive strike on Iran’s nuclear installations.
The Israelis may force the issue by essentially saying “if the U.S. doesn’t bomb, Israel will.” The Israelis seem very interested in such attacks, although there have been a few voices pointing out that it may be hard for Israel to knock out every target by itself - they would probably need help. Israel is concerned by statements by Iran’s leaders that Israel should be wiped off the map. After the Holocaust, no Israeli can dismiss such talk as idle rhetoric, even if it is. Tel Aviv is at risk. The Israelis may feel compelled to act, whatever the U.S. does. Bush is no doubt aware of this and may move to bomb as a result. Recently, President Bush himself traveled to Jordan, but he also met with the Israelis. An Iran bombing campaign was surely on the agenda for that meeting.
President Bush has never liked the Iranian Republic, they are part of his “Axis of Evil.” He may feel a showdown with Iran is inevitable, sooner or later, so it might as well be sooner, on our terms. He cannot abide with the idea of an Iranian nuclear power and has said as much publicly. He may view them as the source of much of our troubles in other parts of the Mideast, most natably and recently by supplying the Hezebollah in Lebanon. Iran may be critical in the level of violence in Iraq. The mere existence of Iran’s current regime, particularly with nuclear weapons, constitutes, in President Bush’s mind, an on-going threat to the petro-monarchies which he has supported. In his mind, they may need to be dealt with. In President Bush’s mind, a bombing campaign would at least eliminate the nukes, or severely delay them, along with causing enough economic pressure, perhaps, to topple the Iranian regime. While this may be exercise in fantasy, it is appealing to some. Bombing is more likely to destroy the opponents to Iran’s regime than the nukes they are targeting.
Overall, how likely is a bombing attack? The answer: it’s a very real possibility. Maybe even 50/50.
If so, when? What tell tale signs are there? Probably before next year, which is an election year. The probability highest in the Spring of 2007. Carriers are a sure clue. One carrier is not a worry. Two carriers in the Gulf, particularly when the deployment is announced as a move against Iran, is clearly cause for at least some concern. Three carriers makes no sense unless an attack is very near. Newsweek recently wrote that they have confirmed that a third carrier is moving into the Persian Gulf. Air Force rotations will bring on air rescue reservists by late Spring - an interesting set of units to call at that time. They are useless in Iraq. Excellent air units with top notch equipment will be available about then. The weather shouldn’t be so bad. Previous Mideast attacks have been in the late winter-early Spring. It will also be before the U.S. election season heats up.
Although some estimates suggest that Iran may be 5 years away from getting a bomb, much less a practical bomb deliverable by missiles, the Israelis and Americans are also suggesting that within a year the Iranians will have enough uranium to make a bomb inevitable and almost unstoppable. Hence, there would be another pressure for a strike in 2007. President Bush will be out of power in less than 2 years and there’s no telling who will replace him. If an Iran bombing strike is going to be done, 2007, appears to be the year to do it.
Bombing is appealing because it is so easy. U.S. ground forces need not be involved in a big way, making planning much, much easier. The plans are on file. The bombs are all but ready. The President can just pick up the phone and give the word. Planes will move directly from the U.S., Diego Garcia, and the carriers to hit targets in a highly organized attack.
Once an Iran bombing campaign begins, it may lead to a whole set of economic consequences that no one seems to be too concerned with at present. The Secretary of the Treasury is an expert at market panics. If we bomb, he’ll get to work overtime. Unfortunately, if the bombing triggers a bubble pop, it will be too late to reconsider the bombing decision. If bombing triggers the bubble pop, the interest of the U.S. public in cleaning up the Mideast may fall as fast as their 401(k)’s and their home prices. Ironically, these are the very things President Bush’ voters would expect him to preserve.


